Far from the peace of mind those fleeing persecution might think they would have when arriving in the UK, many in fact experience high levels of ‘
racism and discrimination in workplaces, other institutions, their local communities and schools’.
[9] Ncuti Gatwa himself shared some of his own stories of racial prejudice at his Dunfermline school from fellow students on the east coast, perhaps not surprising when a 2002 survey showed a significant numbers of Scots to be xenophobic. 25% admitted to being “slightly racist” and nearly 50% felt that saying ethnic insults like “p***” and “c*****” in relation to shops and food was acceptable. Whilst Ncuti’s experiences were in the mid-2000s, similar unreceptive attitudes from local Scots are evident a decade later after a number of refugee families were resettled throughout the region. This included the Isle of Bute on the west coast where several people objected that they had their own problems to solve ‘without trying to deal with anyone else’s’.
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Glasgow-based Sudanese refugee, Hammid |
Beyond those more rural communities,
similar sentiment can be found not too far away in Scotland’s largest urban centre Glasgow.
[10] According to one Sudanese refugee called Hammid, he was stopped by an aggressive traffic officer after having driven through an amber light with a reminder to "remember how we do things in this country". Hostile attitudes were also part of Middle Eastern refugee Daniel’s experience when dealing with public officials. He recounts, "I could see how friendly [my advisor] was with the Scottish people in front, laughing and joking. His face would change entirely when it was my turn. "It's not something you can use as evidence, but something you see and feel. The only explanation is the tone of my skin, otherwise why?"
Daniel’s supposition was validated during my interview with Fife Centre for Equalities (FCE) board member Sidique Akbar who recalls white refugees as non-visual minorities would get less hassle than refugees of colour during his time based at Fife Race Equality Council (FREC). Beyond being instantly identifiable visual minorities, being further differentiated as an audio minority by their accents didn’t help, exacerbated further by any language barrier. (He gave an example of going clubbing in his younger days and seeing brown refugees turned away by bouncers. In contrast, Sidique would put on his thickest Rab C. Nesbit twang, meaning the stupefied bouncers would indeed forgo his Pakistani façade and let him in, clearly making the most of his accent/language privilege.)
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UK Islamophobia increase after NZ terror attack on mosque
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Yet another dimension of prejudice some suffer from is religion. Before the 9/11 attacks in the US, Sidique principally experienced racism against his ethnicity; after 9/11, Sidique principally experienced Islamophobia against his faith, usually identifiable due to clothing choices. Indeed from 2001 to 2020, UK attacks on Muslims have increased year on year by 600% (much more than when Sidique’s parents arrived in 1950s Britain and endured street attacks by the National Front and other racist organisations). This was heavily motivated by
false accusations of many being ISIS sympathisers or undercover terrorists pretending to be refugees to then attack the UK.
[11] Again, those with accents/language barriers got it worse as, in addition to ‘looking’ like terrorists, they also ‘sounded’ like them. Oddly enough, UK Islamophobia increased even more after the March 2019 New Zealand terror attack where Muslims were the victims, seemingly ‘giving permission’ for British bigots to further openly express their hatefulness. This really hit close to home for Scottish Refugee Council head Sabir Zazai, a refugee from Afghanistan, who in December 2019 had ‘
two short, awful words of ‘p*** scum’ scratched on [his] car, and their hateful intent was clear.’
[12]
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Edinburgh-based Somali refugee, Axmed
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All this hostility manifesting into targeted racial slurs have on occasion spilled over into violent attacks of the kind refugees were trying to escape from in the first place. This was the case back in January 1989 when Somali refugee
Axmed Abuukar Sheekh[13] and his cousin Abdirizik Mohamed Yusuf were racially abused by white football fans inside Sneaky Pete's pub in Cowgate, Edinburgh. The Stevenson College students were completely unknown to the 8-10 strong gang who it later transpired had links to the National Front hate group. They went outside where unprovoked confrontation turned physical with gang member Terence Reilly punching Axmed repeatedly before the student was stabbed. He instructed his cousin to run away and was able to drag himself to a phone box before he collapsed. He would later succumb to his injuries, dying at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary. In the wake of his killing, the police arrested 3 men, but just 2, Terence Reilly and Francis Glancy, were brought to trial. After an 8-day hearing where ‘the quality of the prosecution was poor while the defendants had a brilliant QC’, neither was convicted of murder as Francis Glancy was acquitted of all charges and Terence Reilly was found guilty of mere knife ‘possession’ vs ‘use’. Their National Front affiliation was ignored during the trial and only 6 months later did the police concede that Axmed’s murder was a racial hate crime.
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Edinburgh-based
Syrian refugee Shahbaz after knife attack
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12 years later, the same xenophobic animosity in the Scottish public was still apparent when in August 2001, 25-year-old Turkish asylum seeker of Kurdish origin Firsat Dag was stabbed to death in Sighthill, Glasgow. His unprovoked white attacker Scott Burrell who had a history of serious assault on other foreigners, yet the clear racial motivation for the murder would again later go unacknowledged. Fast forward another 16 years in May 2018, Shahbaz Ali[14] was assaulted by two men and two women in Upper Gilmore Place, Edinburgh. The 25-year-old barber was trying to protect a young female resident who the group were racially abusing when his father Sivan heard the attackers shout, “Why are you still here; why are you not back in your own country?” One of them, Sean Gorman, then stabbed Shahbaz 6 times before fleeing the scene, leaving him with critical injuries, again fighting for his life at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary. Aamer Anwar, human rights lawyer for the Ali family, said numerous attacks from the wider Scottish community on the Syrian refugees are not reported because people “are too frightened to complain”. He then shared that the family had fled death to live in Scotland five years ago. “Shabaz lost nine members of his family after an attack on their city by ISIS. Racist thug [Sean Gorman]…had no regard for the life of Shabaz Ali, who had done nothing wrong, he was a hardworking and quiet young man trying to rebuild his life after Syria.
For one thing, different facets of the BAME population have different issues. The social & political needs of incoming refugee communities vary from settled BAME communities. The incoming 1st & 2nd gen refugee community require capacity building services orientating around language skills, education qualifications, visa, etc so they can enter the workforce. However, the settled 3rd & 4th gen BAME community who are already functional in all those areas require legislative measures against systemic (structural & institutional) racism aka white bigotry so they can enter the workforce, the disparity increasing significantly when we factor in gender. What’s more, there are differences
between and even
within different nationalities, something very apparent in the Sudanese community with the recent social upheavals in the nation. Though one area where concerns are unified is the
allocation of housing often in such poor condition that white Scots would never stay there.
[18] For example, in one case accommodation was given to ‘a pregnant mother with a baby whose bedroom ceiling was leaking for months’, such disrepair unsurprisingly resulting in the roof falling down in certain buildings.
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Asylum seekers housed in slum conditions
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For a number of years, the UK have commissioned service giants G4S, Clearel & Serco for asylum housing provision, the latter of which having a
£60 million contract with the government[19] and being Scotland’s main service provider. They in turn have subcontracted the work to Orchard and Shipman, a private letting company which according to a
Scottish Refugee Council[20] report have
provided ‘people fleeing persecution who deserve protection the equivalent of punishment’.
[21] The horror stories include being put into slum-like flats with (1) infestations (2) lack of hot water or heating (3) no keys to get into their buildings (4) housing officers reportedly entering with no warning (5) one man being called a ‘criminal’ by his housing officer, locked out of his accommodation & his few possessions confiscated. Other problems included families having to share already cramped spaces with total strangers with only a few hours’ notice. The disturbance to life routine is bad enough, made infinitely worse by the racist abuse one mother received from her new cohabitors. Her resulting request to move was ignored by the housing provider, as were most complaints about any accommodation issues, occasionally also in turn met with abusive responses.
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Vulnerable
women abused by detention centre guards
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The appalling housing conditions subjected to asylum seekers who often already have severe persecution-related trauma adds further stress and suffering to their burden. This is particularly intense for individuals who have undergone torture or sexual violence, and then housed without a lock on their front doors. Even more shocking revelations emerged from asylum detention centres where
male guards employed by Serco ‘sexually abused women in their care’.
[22] The subsequent argument that any sexual encounter had been consensual was countered by ‘the power imbalance between a uniformed guard, keys jangling at his belt, and a vulnerable young woman, newly imprisoned: so extreme that it makes genuine consent on the part of detainees impossible.’ Another abuse of power included one volunteer’s first-hand account of asylum seekers in Scotland being given IUDs without being told what they were or being providing with adequate translation services to comprehend their function. As such, the government were authoritatively controlling their reproduction rights…the very type of human right abuse many seeking asylum were fleeing from in the first place (e.g. Uyghur Muslim women in China).
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Asylum seeker Mercy Baguma & her baby son Adriel |
The situation can become even more desperate for those whose “limited leave to remain” has expired, as was the case in August 2020 with Ugandan asylum seeker
Mercy Baguma.
[27] This meant she was no longer allowed to work, spiralling into extreme poverty with her one-year-old baby Adriel, with only the generosity of friends and charities to sustain them. Shortly afterwards, the mother was found dead in her Govan flat with her starving baby crying in his cot. The tragedy of Mercy’s situation being left destitute with dire consequences is sadly not unique. In July 2018,
300 Glasgow-based asylum seekers were spontaneously evicted from Serco properties[28], blind-siding Glasgow City Council with the sudden announcement. The move ‘sparked fears of a humanitarian crisis on the city's streets, as the council was legally prevented from housing people with no leave to remain and no recourse to public funds.’ Then in April 2020,
another 300 asylum seekers were given an hour’s notice to pack up their flats and moved into hotels by Mears, a new private company providing housing and support services.
[29] Being at the height of the Covid-19 lock down, another possible humanitarian crisis was brewing as social distancing was “impossible” in those conditions, potentially creating a ‘super spreader’ environment due to difficulties keeping the space ‘hygienic and aired’. On top of this, the asylum seekers also had their weekly £35 allowance withdrawn as apparently the hotel, McLays Guest House on Renfrew Street, provided ‘three meals a day, basic toiletries and a laundry service’. However, there was no consideration for top-up phone credit to sustain contact with lawyers, increased hand sanitiser use, period products for women, or extra food for a heavily pregnant woman and families with children.
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Mentally distressed asylum seeker Badreddin Abadlla Adam |
With no information about future housing arrangements and/or being told different stories of further transfer, feelings of increased fear, stress and anxiety were prevalent amongst those affected. This included Syrian asylum seeker
Adnan Walid Elbi[30] who said the move came with ‘worsening flashbacks to torture he had experienced on his journey through Libya to the UK’. The suicidal thoughts he’d been having for weeks came to fruition a month later in May 2020 when he was found dead in his room. Adnan’s passing demonstrated the ‘spiralling mental distress of hundreds’ boarding in uncertain short-term accommodation as would be apparent just a month later in June 2020 with Sudanese asylum seeker
Badreddin Abadlla Adam.
[31] Housed at the Park Inn Hotel on West George Street for 3 months, he’d reportedly been treated "improperly" there and given food of "bad quality", causing him "abdominal disturbances" and to "vomit every time". He’d also been ‘kept in his room for a whole month’ which seriously affecting his mental state. Despite presenting outwardly as "smiling" and "very peaceful", he’d told a friend he was "so sad" and asked if he could ‘stab certain people who were causing him trouble’. The friend cautioned him about his ‘dangerous thoughts’, but it was not enough to assuage Badreddin. After a phone call to his solicitor complaining about the accommodation, saying he wanted to be moved and was suicidal, his erratic behaviour escalated. 90 minutes later he carried out a knife attack stabbing six people, including a police officer before being shot dead by emergency response. After the incident, another asylum seeker said ‘people were treated "like animals" and "that will make them savages"’, adding it wasn’t ‘just dangerous for asylum seekers, it's dangerous also for Scotland and the UK.’
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Chilean refugee Carlos Giesen Martinez told to return to Nigeria
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The hostile environment within asylum bureaucracy extends beyond the precarious housing situation into the applications themselves. This has been the experience of Glasgow-based Afghani asylum seeker
Abdul Rahman Safi[32] whose case has been pending for 12 years. To live with the uncertainty of also perhaps being transferred to a hotel with a mere hour’s notice for over a decade was untenable. So last month in Sept 2020 the father of 4 finally took the drastic step of sewing his lips shut and starting a hunger strike as he camped in a tent outside the Home Office. But what happens when the Home Office response is in fact erroneous? Glasgow-based Chilean refugee
Carlos Giesen Martinez[33] found out first-hand in March 2020 when his asylum application was rejected and the South American was told he should prepare to return to Nigeria(!) His UK naturalised daughter and his lawyer believe the incorrect country of origin and other errors stated in the letter was “cut and pasted” from a different claimant’s refusal and thus proof the application was not properly considered. A more disturbing error occurred with Glasgow-based Ghanaian former asylum seeker
Lord Elias Apetsi McMensah[34] who was detained in March 2016 whilst reporting to the Home Office in Govan. The award-winning Strathclyde University masters student’s fresh application for “leave to remain” had apparently not been submitted on time by his lawyers, a "human error" not of Lord’s doing. Despite his wife and 2 young children living with him in Glasgow, he was immediately transported to the first of 7 immigration detention centres over the course of 2 months. The ultimate intention was to force him onto a chartered plane at London Stanstead Airport bound for Ghana where renewed persecution awaited him.
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Former Labour MP and human rights champion Tony Benn
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The late Labour MP Tony Benn encouraged vigilance on how we allow the government to treat asylum seekers/refugees. But perhaps Observer newspaper columnist
Kevin McKenna[39] said it best: ‘As we root around in these dark places seeking righteousness for our indignation, we talk about protecting “our” borders and “our” identity. At other times, we talk of our “pride” at being Scottish or English or British. What bizarre and foolish concepts. It’s like being proud of having two eyes. They imply that being “Scottish” or “English” or “British” is to be bound by loftier values. Yet when we travel, we find that people are all really the same: they respond well to kindness; they like to share what they have; they want to bequeath peace to their children.
Our nationality is an accident of birth. We do not own this country: we are merely stewards of its resources and I hope one day that we will be judged on how well we have shared them.’
After reviewing the reality of seeking UK asylum specifically in Scotland, how comfortable might Ncuti Gatwa continue to be with his coined ethnonym of ‘Rwandan Scot’? How easy is it to identify with the scenic similarities of green rolling hills aligning river valleys versus racial differences that would treat the most vulnerable with such contention? After all, on so many occasions in so many facets, Scotland has not been a safe ‘refuge’ for asylum seekers, but a dangerous enclosure that at times has been as life threatening as the places they were fleeing from…
So now we know of the racism against asylum seekers and refugees in Scotland, what can be done about it? Let’s break it down step by step.
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Lothian health visitor Rose Tibi
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Regarding media mistreatment, tabloids and broadsheets alike need to reassess their tone with
less negative biased reporting against those fleeing humanitarian crises who need our humanity the most.
[40] Indeed, more articles should focus on ‘the need to address the push factors driving population flows’. The
United Nations High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR)[41] noted that, whilst the press gave reasons why people seek asylum in other nations (conflict, human rights abuses, etc), their coverage seldom included the need to confront the causes of such issues. As of December 2015, only 3.1% of refugee-related articles across Europe mentioned possible conflict resolution strategies to neutralise push factors, and this should enter the public consciousness more. Additionally, there should be
more articles focusing on ‘the benefits that asylum seekers and migrants could bring to host countries’[42], be them economic, medical, technological or artistic. There are many to choose from, clearly illuminated by the
Traces Project[43] by
Counterpoint Arts spotlighting cultural contributions of artists who sought out UK sanctuary. Similarly,
Amnesty International’s list of Scottish refugee success stories[44] like Lothian health visitor Rose Tibi from Sudan and her daughter Carol embody this too.
Regarding public mistreatment, people in spaces that refugees have reported receive racism (workplaces, other institutions, their local communities and schools) should receive unconscious bias/anti-racist training. Beyond that, they should be charged from breaking UK law under the
Equality Act 2010[45] and be dealt with accordingly by the authorities. However,
the authorities themselves must be free from discrimination[46], as clearly was not the case with Axmed Abuukar Sheekh’s 1989 stabbing. For the murder charge against his white killer to be dismissed despite so much incriminating evidence was alarming, ‘greeted with disbelief, precipitated a crisis in community relations and galvanised Black and minority ethnic communities and white anti-racists into united action’. Whilst much campaigning and protest marches through Edinburgh led to police finally classifying the attack as racially motivated, there was no review of the notorious case’s judicial proceedings which bore deep similarities to the Stephen Laurence’s deficient murder investigation blighted by institutional racism.
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previous Scottish asylum housing provider, charity YPeople
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Regarding state mistreatment, there should be a
move away from the commercialisation of private housing and support services providers for asylum seekers.
[49] Uniquely for-profit companies such as
G4S, Clearel, Serco and Mears ‘tend to lack both empathy and specialism in this area’, resulting in the dire situations we have seen. Previously, service providers in Scotland like the charity
YPeople[50] and Glasgow City Council itself were used and, even though not always perfect, there was much better insight into the particular needs of people with such vulnerabilities, certainly handled with more compassion. As such, a governmental review, backed by Chartered Institute of Housing, Shelter Scotland and the Scottish Association of Landlords, is required to again prioritise mercy and compassion in asylum housing provision over monetary savings to the extent of inhumane treatment. Particularly as devolving to un-specialised private contractors has quite clearly ‘failed to make anything like the savings that were intended to by the Home Office’. To this end, the
New Scots: Refugee Integration Strategy 2018 To 2022[51] strives to tackle some of the core concerns regarding housing and access to services. Improvement in these areas as well as reduced racial hostility will surely go some way to assuage the extra mental distress compounding the already prevalent trauma that many asylum seekers carry. Additional funding should also be allocated to support them in this aspect of their health, which is currently minimal due to Tory austerity.
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Lord Elias Apetsi
McMensah with former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn |
The complexities of the asylum system itself also needs to be addressed so the long waiting period for Home Office answers re visas are reduced to a more workable timeframe, meaning no one else has to suffer through a 12-year delay like Mohammad Asif. Equally, more careful scrutiny of asylum claims must be enacted so such callous errors like confusing the applicant’s country of origin and decision to grant “leave to remain” like with Carlos Giesen Martinez won’t be repeated. What’s more, rushed removals of refugees without checking for resolvable errors through an appeal process for example should be stopped. In Lord Elias Apetsi McMensah’s case, it’s clear that this ‘warm, caring and intelligent man’
would have been returned to perilous circumstances if he didn’t have such a high profile in his university community[52]: being voted 2016 Student of the Year for his voluntary work linked to his Counselling MA to help other students, and elected as NUS Scotland’s Executive Committee’s Asylum and Refugee Officer. As a result, many people came to his defence and raised awareness of his situation like then Strathclyde Student Association Vice President of Diversity Raj Jeyaraj, then NUS Scotland president Vonnie Sandlan, Alison Thewliss MP and
even then Labour Party Leader Jeremy Corbyn[53] as well as many more. The added public pressure was successful and the Home Office thus granted Lord reprieve from deportation, lest his amazing people & knowledge skills be lost to his new Scottish home.
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Aileen Campbell MSP & refugee graduates of hospitality
training scheme
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Programmes that indeed facilitated utilising refugee professional knowledge & skills to support their local Scottish communities were the Re-entry of Ethnic Minorities into Teaching (REMIT) initiative as well as the
Fresh Talent scheme.
[54] However, these very successful programmes were discontinued as Scotland’s control over its migrant labour decreased with the 2010 election of the Tories. Since then, ScotGov have been trying to do similar initiatives, but the Tories reportedly won’t let them. This is an example of no actual new research for new policies being needed as the information of what works ALREADY exists, demonstrated by the
Diageo Learning for Life programme[55] run by leading hospitality industry charity, The Springboard Charity. The government should action the recommendations already given rather than allocation resources/money for more unnecessary research, breaking the inept status quo of the policy-practice mismatch. In this way,
Aileen Campbell MSP’s proclamation regarding refugees[56] that Scots should ‘demonstrate understanding, compassion and kindness’ as well as ‘continue to build strong, resilient and supportive communities’ will have true substance.